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Pont transbordeur de Marseille

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Vous pouvez partager vos connaissances en l’améliorant (comment ?) ; pour plus d’indications, visitez le projet Marseille.

Géolocalisation sur la carte : Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur

Géolocalisation sur la carte : Bouches-du-Rhône

Géolocalisation sur la carte : France

Le pont transbordeur (ou pont à transbordeur) de Marseille, inauguré en 1905 et détruit en 1944, est un ouvrage de franchissement du Vieux-Port de Marseille construit par l’architecte Ferdinand Arnodin.

En France, on accorde l’invention du pont à transbordeur à Ferdinand Arnodin. Ce système de pont a pour intérêt de ne pas perturber le trafic maritime. Il consiste à faire passer d’une rive à l’autre une nacelle suspendue à l’armature métallique du pont.

Le transbordeur de Marseille était du type « à contrepoids et articulations ». Il fut construit en dix-neuf mois pour relier les quais du Port et de Rive Neuve. Il fut inauguré le .

Le transbordeur est composé de deux pylônes de 86,60 mètres de haut et de 240 tonnes chacun. A 50 mètres au-dessus de la mer, le tablier de 239 mètres relie les deux pylônes. Une nacelle de 120 m² et de 20 tonnes fait la navette entre les rives en 1 minute 30.

En haut se trouvait un restaurant de poissons où bouillabaisse et langoustes étaient au menu.

Dans les années 1930, il ne servait plus que de décor, faute de moyens pour assurer son entretien.

Le , l’armée allemande fait sauter le pont pour obstruer le port lors de la bataille de Marseille, mais seul le pylône nord s’abat dans les eaux.

Le reste s’écroule le 1er septembre 1945, à la suite de la mise à feu de 400 kg d’explosifs.

Dans l’esprit des Marseillais de l’époque, le pont transbordeur était la Tour Eiffel de Marseille. D’autres le considéraient comme un gâchis, et on vit certains peintres omettre de représenter cet “amas de ferraille” sur une peinture illustrant le Vieux-Port.

Mais il subsiste dans la mémoire collective et sa renaissance est évoquée régulièrement. En l’an 2000, une reconstitution avec deux immenses grues posées à l’entrée du Vieux Port donne lieu à des festivités mémorables.

À partir de l’année 2008, l’architecte nantais Paul Poirier propose de moderniser le concept de pont à transbordeur. Il crée en 2010 avec les ingénieurs Xavier de Champs et Timothée Paulin la Nantaise des Ponts et Pylônes international (NPPi).

Michel Virlogeux, ingénieur concepteur de plus de cent ponts (pont de Normandie, Viaduc de Millau, Pont Chaban-Delmas, etc.), amende techniquement le projet de Paul Poirier en 2012 et le nouveau projet est présenté au Théâtre de la Criée sur le Vieux Port de Marseille le 7 mai 2013.

En novembre 2013, Jean-Claude Gaudin, sénateur-maire de Marseille, propose de reconstruire un nouveau pont à transbordeur sur le Vieux Port et une pré-étude est votée pour étudier le nouveau franchissement au Conseil Municipal du 9 décembre 2013.

Sur les autres projets Wikimedia :

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Samuel Oughton

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The Rev. Samuel Oughton (1803 – December 1881), Baptist missionary to Jamaica 1836-1866, and colleague of William Knibb, was an abolitionist who became an outspoken advocate of black labour rights in Jamaica during the gradual abolition of slavery in the late 1830s and thereafter. He was briefly imprisoned in Jamaica during 1840. Originally associated with James Sherman’s Independent Congregational Surrey Chapel, and from time to time invited back by Sherman, he was closely associated with the Baptists in Jamaica, who were largely organised along Congregational lines and among the predominantly African-Caribbean population, following their founding by George Lisle, a former slave from America.

Samuel Oughton’s work for the Baptist Missionary Society in Jamaica, soon became well known. Arriving in 1836 from the Surrey Chapel in London, his posting was initially to help Thomas Burchell, a relative by marriage. However, by 1839 he was invited by the largely African congregation in Kingston to be their pastor at the prominent East Queen Street chapel.

This was a key time in the emancipation of Jamaican slaves. After “legal abolition” began in Jamaica with the home government’s Emancipation Act of 1833, conditions were little better for many Africans in Jamaica for some decades; particularly under the dreaded “indentured apprenticeship” system of forced labour, which was taken to extremes by the Planters, some masters and their overseers compelling the use of treadmills.

The abuses of indentured apprenticeship were finally abolished on 1 August 1838, following a campaign led by Joseph Sturge, with support from the Baptists, the Anti-Slavery Society, and longstanding abolitionists such as William Allen. Even so, emancipation was no paradise; the planters frequently harassed tenants (see Free Villages, and sought to drive down wages when they could. Oughton once famously remarked to his flock in the parish of Hanover:

let the canes rot in the fields,
and the ships go home in ballast !

For a time (during 1840) he was imprisoned by the Jamaican authorities for his outspoken views against liberties being taken by magistrates against African women. Back in Britain, Joseph Sturge of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society passed on Oughton’s descriptions of the horrendous labour practices suffered by Africans in Jamaica, which Oughton continued to communicate whilst in prison. Joseph Sturge made representations to the Colonial Office on his behalf and Samuel Oughton was eventually discharged after a period released on bail. He records “simple but ardent expressions of delight and affection” from “our poor dear people”, who welcomed him back to East Queen Street chapel with renewed hope. In 1841 Oughton was able to write: “my affection for the people, and theirs for me, seems to grow stronger by the day”.

The Baptist returns at about this date show Samuel Oughton, assisted by George Rowse, to be responsible for three “sub stations”, two “day schools”, two “Sunday schools”, and, besides Rowse, two further teachers – Miss Simpson, and W.Spraggs.

In the 1844 elections Oughton was active in promoting African candidates, and most of his congregation were of African origin. He stayed at East Queen Street chapel as pastor for the next twenty years, although not without incident since he promoted a form of moral code that he applied to everyone, including the emancipated citizens whose status he had been invited to improve.

The legal status of one Baptist chapel was often slightly different from another since they had grown up in many ways. At one time George Lisle’s chapel was his personal responsibility, and he was imprisoned for an outstanding debt on its construction. The more appropriate scheme of ownership was through some form of trust deed. Whilst Oughton supported the congregation’s right to appoint trustees at one Chapel where this issue arose, the wish of his own congregation to do likewise at the East Queen Street Chapel became a cause of controversy since it had a different constitution. Oughton also faced a problem because all its trustees but one had died before dutifully appointing others, and so it became inquorate. Just as he had exposed wrongdoing by the magistrates, and been prepared to suffer imprisonment for a time, he would not be party to illegal ownership arrangements at his chapel whatever the price. A number of his congregation would have been happy with this however, and put pressure on the remaining trustee to exceed his legal authority. Oughton’s firm moral standards upset them; he again had to pay the price of unpopularity, just as when he had upset sections of the white population earlier.

In the 1860s Oughton departed from religion and education slightly, though in his inimitable moralistic way. He wrote two books in which he tried to promote a theory, originally popular with some French and English thinkers in “The Enlightenment” period, that a population must ‘want’ artificial things to create drive and hard work, and therefore increasing wealth. In such a seductively warm and fertile island as Jamaica, Oughton contended, this might not happen; people might content themselves after reaching a certain standard of living.

The Baptist missions on Jamaica were closely involved in emancipation and reform. The mission was founded by the African George Lisle a former slave from America. Their churches on Jamaica promoted the slave Samuel Sharpe (1801–32) to Deacon at the Burchell Baptist Church in Montego Bay, and later the African Paul Bogle (1822–1865), believed to have been born free, to Deacon in Stony Gut, north of Morant Bay.

There was progress, too in encouraging political and social involvement of women. Positions of responsibility such as “assistant class leader”, “class leader”, and above, were open to all who had the necessary reading and writing skills; men and women. One of the Baptist’s cherished principles was of church self-government in which everyone was entitled to vote in elections and petitioning, which provided the first opportunity for many in the community to have their voice heard. This was one of the earliest routes through which the labouring poor began to have political influence. Progress was sometimes painfully slow, however, particularly for those who sought immediate self-government. At Samuel Oughton’s chapel, Eleanor Vickars, an African assistant class-leader whose father is believed to have been a deacon, successfully stood for election as class-leader but did not meet the literacy requirement necessary for confirmation of her appointment. Samuel Oughton had to decide between the Baptist’s cherished principles of self-government or upholding the literacy entry requirements arising from the hope that education would be “the great leveller”. In the event, he avoided setting a precedent and called for both beliefs to be upheld equally, a route that did successfully lead to self-determination by African congregations.

It has been noted that female literacy was strongly encouraged by the Baptist Missionary Society. In 1841 the Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa was able to report thirty-six female teachers and over 2,000 girls in day schools. Back in Britain a training school for female teachers was also established; at Kettering.

Samuel’s first wife was Hannah, a niece of Hester Burchell, who was the wife of Thomas Burchell. Samuel Oughton’s second wife, Sarah (1819–1882), was sister of the wealthy British doctor and baptist, Nathaniel Rogers MD. Samuel Oughton died in London in December 1881 and is buried along with Sarah, each with a memorial plaque, in the Rogers’ Family Mausoleum at Abney Park Cemetery in Stoke Newington.

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Hermann (Hohenzollern-Hechingen)

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Hermann Maria Friedrich Otto von Hohenzollern-Hechingen (* 30. Juli 1751 in Lockenhaus, Burgenland, Österreich; † 2. November 1810 in Hechingen) war ab 1798 siebter Reichsfürst und erster souveräner Fürst von Hohenzollern-Hechingen.

Hermann wohnte vor seinem Regierungsantritt in Hechingen im saarländischen Dagstuhl. Wohnsitz war das dortige Schloss Dagstuhl, das seit 1990 das weltweit bekannte Leibniz-Zentrum für Informatik (LZI) beherbergt. Er vermittelte die Ehe von Friedrich III. Johann Otto zu Salm-Kyrburg (1745–1794) und Johanna Franziska von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1765–1790). Bei deren Hochzeit 1781 in Straßburg lernten sich Erbprinz Anton Aloys von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1762–1831), der Bruder der Braut, und Amalie Zephyrine von Salm-Kyrburg (1760–1841) kennen und verlobten sich.

Fürst Hermann war mit den Verhältnissen des Landes vertraut, als er im April 1798 an die Regierung kam. Er war in Belgien aufgewachsen, wo sein Vater Franz Xaver von Hohenzollern-Hechingen (1719–1765) als kaiserlicher Offizier stand. Von seiner Mutter, der Gräfin Anna Maria von Hoensbroech-Geulle (8. Mai 1729 – 26. September 1798), erbte Fürst Hermann deren niederländische Besitzungen, von seiner zweiten, früh verstorbenen Gemahlin, der niederländischen Prinzessin von Gavre, Marquise d’Aysseau, hatte er eine Million Franken geerbt.

Seine erste Gattin, die Gräfin Luise von Merode, Marquise von Westerlo, hatte er nach nur einjähriger Ehe durch den Tod verloren und war seit 1779 in dritter Ehe mit der Gräfin Maria Antonia von Waldburg-Zeil-Wurzach verheiratet.

Er versuchte, nach der Abtretung des linken Rheinufers an Frankreich, bei den Entschädigungsverhandlungen Berücksichtigung zu finden. Hermann erhielt schließlich vom Reichsdeputationsausschuss als Ersatz für die verlorenen belgischen Besitzungen seiner Mutter die Herrschaft Hirschlatt bei Tettnang und das Kloster Gnadenthal in Stetten. Er verwendete Geld für die Verschönerung von Hechingen und die Verbesserung der Landstraßen. Alle seine Aktivitäten nach außen dienten dem Ziel, die Geschicke seines Hauses zu verbessern.

Fürst Hermann war Reich-Generalfeldmarschall-Leutnant und preußischer Generalleutnant. So schwierig sich die äußere Situation des Fürstentums in der Zeit zwischen dem Rastatter Kongress und dem Reichsende darstellte, so entspannend war der Einstand des Fürsten im Innern. Gleich nach seinem Regierungsantritt nahm er die Friedensverhandlungen mit den Landgemeinden auf, schloss auf der Grundlage des Stadtvergleichs von 1795 am 26. Juni in Hechingen den Landesvergleich und entließ an diesem Tage, …..dem heutigen erfreulichen Huldigungsfeste aus eigener freier Bewegung sämtliche Untertanen der Leibeigenschaft, von welcher Gnade jedoch das Dorf Bisingen, weil es dem Vergleich nicht beigetreten, auch bei der Huldigung nicht erschienen, ausgeschlossen war (seither tragen die Bisinger den Spitznamen „Nichthuldiger“). Der Fürst beschränkte seine Jagd auf drei Tiergärten, außerhalb durfte es von Gemeindeschützen geschossen werden, die unbegrenzten Jagd- und Hagfronen wurden in „gemessene“ oder Geld verwandelt. Die Leibeigenschaft war als rechtliche Abhängigkeit aufgehoben, die daraus entspringenden Lasten blieben jedoch. Der Hauptfall wurde auf fünf Prozent des Nachlasses festgesetzt. Die Untertanen erhielten das Recht, in allgemeiner Wahl zwölf Deputierte zu bestimmen, denen das Recht zustand, die Steuern zu kontrollieren und Einspruchsvorschläge zu machen. Den Juden gab der Fürst, auf Rat seines Hoffaktors Jakob Kaulla (siehe auch Karoline Kaulla) „gegen angemessene Remuneration an die Hofkammer“ einen neuen Schutzbrief auf 40 Jahre. Dem Fürst gelang so die Beilegung des Untertanenkonfliktes binnen weniger Wochen.

Fürst Hermann war nicht generell ein Mann des Kompromisses, er war eine eher bizarre Persönlichkeit, seiner Natur nach argwöhnisch, kleinlich; er kümmerte sich äußerst pedantisch um alle Einzelheiten der Verwaltung. Er liebte, dem Zeitgeschmack entsprechend, die Zurückgezogenheit in der Natur, vorzugsweise im Jagdschlösschen Friedrichstal. Er war ein stets geschäftiger, vigilanter Patriarch, unter dem der kleinfürstliche Absolutismus einen letzten Höhepunkt erreichte. Die Rheinbundakte rettete die selbständige Existenz des Hechinger Fürsten, jedoch wurde ihm keinerlei Vergrößerung, weder an Besitz- noch an Souveränitätsrechten zuteil. Er empfand dies als krasse Zurücksetzung und Benachteiligung seiner, der älteren Linie des Hauses. Tief gebeugt durch die Demütigung Preußens und Österreichs starb am 2. November 1810 Fürst Hermann Friedrich Otto.

Fürst Hermann Friedrich Otto war dreimal verheiratet. Am 18. November 1773 heiratete er in Maastricht Luise (1747–1774), Tochter des Comte Jean Guillaume de Merode, Marquis de Westerloo (1722–1763). Mit ihr hatte er eine Tochter:

In zweiter Ehe heiratete er am 15. Februar 1775 in Brüssel Maximiliane (1753–1778), Tochter des François Joseph Rasse, 2. Prince de Gavre. Das Paar hatte einen Sohn:

Seine dritte Frau wurde am 26. Juli 1779 in Dagstuhl die Maria Antonia (1753–1814), Tochter des Grafen Franz Ernst von Waldburg zu Zeil und Wurzach. Das Paar hatte folgende Kinder:

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The Remix (Lady Gaga album)

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The Remix is a remix album by American singer Lady Gaga. Released in Japan on March 3, 2010, it contains remixes of the songs from her first studio album, The Fame (2008), and her third extended play, The Fame Monster (2009). A revised version of the track list was prepared for release in additional markets, beginning with Mexico on May 3, 2010. A number of recording artists have produced the songs, including Pet Shop Boys, Passion Pit and The Sound of Arrows. The remixed versions feature both uptempo and downtempo compositions, with altered vocals from Gaga.

The album received mixed reviews from contemporary critics, but some noted how Gaga was able to sell the songs from The Fame in new and novel ways. It reached the top of charts in Greece and the Dance/Electronic Albums chart of Billboard magazine in the United States. In other nations, The Remix charted within the top ten in Belgium (Flanders and Wallonia region), Canada, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, the United Kingdom and the Billboard 200 chart of United States, while reaching the top-twenty in others. It was certified platinum in Japan and Brazil and received gold certification in Belgium and Russia. Worldwide the album has sold over 500,000 copies, and it is among the best-selling remix albums of all time.

On April 15, 2010, The Guardian reported that a number of artists, including Pet Shop Boys, Passion Pit and rock musician Marilyn Manson, have contributed to a remix album by Lady Gaga, titled The Remix. The remixes included in the package had been previously released alongside Gaga’s single releases in the past years. The album was originally released in Japan on March 3, 2010, containing sixteen of the remixes. The revised version, consisting of seventeen remixes, was released on May 3, 2010, the first market being Mexico. Manson features on the Chew Fu remix of “LoveGame”, while Passion Pit remixed “Telephone” and Pet Shop Boys remixed “Eh, Eh (Nothing Else I Can Say)”. Other artists who remixed Gaga’s songs included Alphabeat, Frankmusik, Stuart Price, Monarchy and Robots to Mars. The album was released in the United Kingdom on May 10, 2010 and featured a different artwork for that region. The US release of the album was announced by Interscope Records in July 2010 and it was released on August 3, 2010.

Chuck Campbell from the California Chronicle felt that the main “trick” adopted by the producers behind The Remix, was to preserve the integrity of Gaga’s nuances in her songs, at the same time bringing something new to her music. The second song in the track list, the “LLG vs GLG Radio Mix” of “Poker Face”, features a computerized chanting of the “mum-mum-mum-mah” hook of the song. Stuart Price remixed “Paparazzi” into an electronic version, changing the original mid-tempo composition of the song. New vocals were added on top of the song, giving it a jungle-like vibe, according to Nicki Escuerdo from Phoenix New Times. She also felt that the remix of “LoveGame” featuring Manson, changed the original composition by “giving the originally innocent and fun song an almost demonic quality”.

According to Campbell, The Monarchy Stylites remix of “Dance in the Dark” “pump[ed] extra oomph” into the song, with addition of drum beats. Richard Vission’s remix of “Just Dance” introduced an elastic rhythm in the song, while Frankmusik changed the soft composition of “Eh, Eh (Nothing Else I Can Say)” to a more upbeat one, also manipulating Gaga’s vocals in the process. Campbell also added that the Passion Pit remix of “Telephone” felt like a “theatrical set up for a song that feels like it’s going somewhere, but never does”; the remix consists of synths, with a thumping beat accompanying the song. Sound of Arrows remixed “Alejandro”, changing the dark nature of its music into a bright, summery jam while “Bad Romance” was remixed by Starsmith, making it a complete dance track.

Upon its release, the album met with mixed reviews. At Metacritic it holds an aggregate score of 54 out of 100 points, indicating generally mixed or average reviews. Simon Cage from the Daily Express gave the album three out of five stars and felt that although she “has a winning way with ostentatious hats”, Gaga’s true talent lies in selling the same album over and over again. “It’s great but… enough already!” Music critic J. D. Considine, while reviewing the album for The Globe and Mail, complimented the piano and voice version of “Poker Face” adding that the latter was “the smartest track on her newest remix album”. He felt that the song “brings out her inner Elton John. And yes, this move, too, is probably just another bit of calculated image management, but that doesn’t make it any less brilliant.” Robert Copsey from Digital Spy noted that the release of The Remix was a more natural progression than music labels trying to “cash-in” by releasing something not associated with the artist. He complimented the remixers featured in the album, calling them “as vital to keeping the singer’s music fresh as her Haus Of GaGa designers are to her image.”

Stephen Thomas Erlewine from AllMusic gave the album three out of five stars, but felt that the track list could have been shortened. Erlewine complimented some of the remixes, including those by Pet Shop Boys and Space Cowboy, adding that The Remix “is not an essential addition to Gaga’s canon goes without saying… but there’s glitz and glamour to enjoy here.” Mark Beech, reviewing the album for Bloomberg Television, noticed that the already familiar tracks from Gaga “are given a new sheen by the Pet Shop Boys and sometime Madonna producer Stuart Price.” Nicki Escudero from Phoenix New Times gave a positive review saying that the songs featured in The Remix can be a great addition during workouts, as well as staple dance floor music. She listed the Chew Fu remix of “LoveGame” as a highlight from the album. Monica Herrera from Billboard complimented the album saying “Gaga has employed a collection of more-than-capable producers to make her dance-ready smashes from The Fame and The Fame Monster even more danceworthy.” Giving it three out of five stars, Caryn Ganz from Rolling Stone noted an uneven sequencing among the tracks in The Remix. She felt that the Passion Pit remix of “Telephone” was the best remix on the album.

Following the album’s release in Japan, it debuted at number nine on the Oricon Albums Chart. On the issue dated May 17, 2010, the album moved to a new peak of number seven and has since been certified platinum by the Recording Industry Association of Japan (RIAJ) for shipments of 250,000 copies. In Australia, The Remix entered the ARIA Albums Chart at its peak position of number 12 on May 16, 2010, remaining on the chart for a total of five weeks. In the United Kingdom, the album debuted at number three on the official UK Albums Chart dated May 22, 2010, and has sold 166,440 copies according to the Official Charts Company, being certified gold by the British Phonographic Industry (BPI). Across Europe, the album debuted at seven on the European Top 100 Albums chart of Billboard. The Remix also reached the top of the charts in Greece, while attaining top-ten positions in Belgium (Flanders and Wallonia), Czech Republic, Ireland, the Netherlands and New Zealand.

In the United States, The Remix charted at number six on the Billboard 200 dated August 21, 2010, with 39,000 copies sold. It became Gaga’s third top ten album on the Billboard 200. The record also debuted at number one on Billboards Dance/Electronic Albums making this Gaga’s third number one entry on the chart. The same week, her other releases, The Fame and The Fame Monster were at positions two and three, respectively. Billboard chart manager Keith Caulfield noted that Gaga became the first act to occupy the chart’s top three positions, in its nine-year history. She additionally charted on the Billboard 200, with The Fame at number 12 and The Fame Monster at number 27, marking the first time an artist placed three concurrent titles in the top 30 since January 23, 1993, when Garth Brooks placed four sets in the top 30: The Chase at number two, Beyond the Season at number 23, Ropin’ the Wind at number 26 and No Fences at number 29. According to Nielsen SoundScan, The Remix has sold 315,000 copies in US as of February 2018. In Canada, the album debuted at number five on the Canadian Albums Chart issue dated May 22, 2010, and remained on the chart for a total of ten weeks. The Remix has sold more than 500,000 copies worldwide, and it is among the best-selling remix albums of all time.

Credits adapted from the liner notes of UK pressings of The Remix. Track numbers correspond to international (non-US and Japan) pressings.

*sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone

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Generative semantics

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Generative semantics is the name of a research program within linguistics, initiated by the work of various early students of Noam Chomsky: John R. Ross, Paul Postal, and later James McCawley. George Lakoff and Pieter Seuren were also instrumental in developing and advocating the theory.

The approach developed out of transformational generative grammar in the mid-1960s, but stood largely apart from, and in opposition to, work by Noam Chomsky and his later students. This move led to a more abstract framework and lately to the abandonment of the notion of the CFG formal grammar induced deep structure.

A number of ideas from later work in generative semantics have been incorporated into cognitive linguistics, head-driven phrase structure grammar (HPSG), construction grammar, and into mainstream Chomskyan linguistics.

The nature and genesis of the program are a matter of some controversy and have been extensively debated. Generative semanticists took Chomsky’s concept of deep structure and ran with it, assuming (contrary to later work by Chomsky and Ray Jackendoff) that deep structures were the sole input to semantic interpretation. This assumption, combined with a tendency to consider a wider range of empirical evidence than Chomskyan linguists, led generative semanticists to develop considerably more abstract and complex theories of deep structure than those advocated by Chomsky and his students—and indeed to abandon altogether the notion of “deep structure” as a locus of lexical insertion.

Throughout the late 1960s and 1970s, there were heated debates between generative semanticists and more orthodox Chomskyans. Neither side can be accurately said to have “won” those debates, as positions and theories shifted considerably along with each bit of new data that was examined. By the end of the 1970s, there were few linguists who would call themselves generative semanticists, while Chomsky’s program continued to produce able students dedicated to advancing Chomsky’s evolving theories.

The controversy surrounding generative semantics stemmed in part from the competition between two fundamentally different approaches to semantics within transformational generative syntax. The first semantic theories designed to be compatible with transformational syntax were interpretive. Syntactic rules enumerated a set of well-formed sentences paired with syntactic structures, each of which was assigned an interpretation by the rules of a separate semantic theory. This left syntax relatively (though by no means entirely) “autonomous” with respect to semantics, and was the approach preferred by Chomsky.

In contrast, generative semanticists argued that interpretations were generated directly by the grammar as deep structures, and were subsequently transformed into recognizable sentences by transformations. This approach necessitated more complex underlying structures than those proposed by Chomsky, and more complex transformations as a consequence. Despite this additional complexity, the approach was appealing in several respects. First, it offered a powerful mechanism for explaining synonymity. In his initial work in generative syntax, Chomsky motivated transformations using active/passive pairs such as “I hit John” and “John was hit by me”, which despite their identical meanings have quite different surface forms. Generative semanticists wanted to account for all cases of synonymity in a similar fashion—an impressively ambitious goal before the advent of more sophisticated interpretive theories in the 1970s. Second, the theory had a pleasingly intuitive structure: the form of a sentence was quite literally derived from its meaning via transformations. To some, interpretive semantics seemed rather “clunky” and ad hoc in comparison. This was especially so before the development of trace theory.

^ There is little agreement concerning the question of whose idea generative semantics was. All of the people mentioned here have been credited with its invention (often by each other).

^ Strictly speaking, it was not the fact that active/passive pairs are synonymous that motivated the passive transformation, but the fact that active and passive verb forms have the same selectional requirements. For example, the agent of the verb kick (i.e. the thing that’s doing the kicking) must be animate whether it is the subject of the active verb (as in “John kicked the ball”) or appears in a by phrase after the passive verb (“The ball was kicked by John“).

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Tunis Afrique Presse

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Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP) (Arabic: وكالة تونس إفريقيا للأنباء‎) is a Tunisian press agency.

The agency, based in Tunis, was founded on 1 January 1961. With a corps of 300 agents, including photographers, researchers and 220 journalists, and a network of correspondents covering all regions of the country, the agency reports on national news in Arabic, French, and English.

For international news, the agency uses AFP, Reuters, and the Associated Press, as well as about forty national agencies. Globally, the agency produces an average of 250 dispatches each day. The agency also has a photography department, which produces around 20 images daily, and has an archive of more than 500,000 photos dating back to the 1930s.

Hédi Annabi was the general manager of agency between 1979 and 1981. Néjib Ouerghi was appointed head of the agency on 12 May 2010, replacing Mohamed Missaoui in the post. He had previously spent his entire career at the daily La Presse de Tunisie, before becoming editor-in-chief of Le Renouveau until he joined TAP. Taieb Yousfi became the head of the agency on 7 January 2012.

Media related to Tunis Afrique Presse at Wikimedia Commons

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Kulturlandskap

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Kulturlandskap er landskap som i større eller mindre grad er påvirka av mennesker. Det upåvirkede naturlandskapet er kulturlandskapets motsetning.

Kulturlandskapet omfatter et vidt spekter av menneskelig påvirkning, fra jeger- og samlerkulturers lite kulturpåvirka områder, via beitelandskap og jordbrukslandskap til bylandskaper som nesten i sin helhet er menneskeverk. Områder som er helt upåvirka av menneskelig aktivitet kan kalles urlandskap, men slike finnes knapt på jorda i dag. Det er vanlig å bruke betegnelsen naturlandskap om områder der naturlige økosystemer dominerer, og kulturlandskap om områder der økosystemene er vesentlig endret og menneskelige innslag er godt synlige. Men selv ikke i de mest urbane landskap kan en se helt bort fra naturelementene.

Landskapet er ikke stabilt. Landskapet vi kan observere er stadier i en prosess, og dette gjelder naturlandskapet så vel som kulturlandskapet. Samspillet mellom økologiske og samfunnsmessige faktorer er kompliserte, og landskapet er et visuelt uttrykk for dette. Årsakssammenhengene er kompliserte. Erosjon, avleiring, landheving, vegetasjonssuksesjon og klimaendringer er naturgeografiske prosesser som kan føre til vesentlige endringer i ressurser og ressurstilgang i kulturlandskapet. Menneskelige inngrep kan være utpining av jorda og overbeskatning av ressursene.

Kulturlandskap er ikke økologisk stabile. I jordbrukslandskapet opprettholdes f.eks. en kunstig økologisk balanse gjennom hogst, sviing, beiting, drenering, jordbearbeiding, såing og ugrasbekjempelse.

Kulturlandskapet kan betraktes fra flere innfallsvinkler. Ved en visuell tilnærming beskriver en det landskapsbildet en ser med øynene eller kan studere ut fra kart og bilder. En funksjonell tilnærming betrakter menneskenes utnyttelse av områdets naturressurser. I en strukturell tilnærming vil en se på landskapet som et uttrykk for beboernes tilpasning til økonomisk-politiske maktstrukturer i samfunnet. Grunnleggende samfunnsendringer, for eksempel fra fødal samfunnsstruktur til kapitalisme, gjenspeiles i landskapet. I en humanistisk tilnærming er man opptatt av ulike måter mennesker identifiserer seg med landskapet til ulike tider. Dette kommer til uttrykk i kunst, litteratur og i aktiviteter.

Kulturlandskapet må betraktes fra en historisk synsvinkel. Det kulturlandskapet vi opplever i dag er i de fleste tilfeller lag på lag med rester av kulturlandskap fra ulike tidsperioder, med ulike driftsformer og ikke minst samferdselssystemer. Dagens mennesker har stadig mindre erfaring og kunnskap som gjør dem i stand til å tolke sporene etter tidligere tiders førindustrielle bruk av landskapet. Ofte må man hente inn eksperthjelp som arkeologer og kulturhistorikere (etnologer) for å tolke spor etter tidligere tiders kulturlandskap.

Legger en vekt på de ulike måtene folk identifiserer seg med landskapet på, slik det kommer til uttrykk i muntlige beretninger, i litteraturen og kunsten, kan en si at en har en humanistisk tilnærming til landskapet.

Definisjoner av kulturlandskap kan grupperes i tre hovedgrupper (etter Jones 1991):

I henhold til Bruun (1996) er kulturlandskapet det menneskeformede landskapet

Kulturlandskap kan også defineres som verdifulle trekk eller elementer som er truet i det menneskeskapte landskapet.

Brukes ofte om det gamle jordbrukslandskapet som særegent i forhold til urbane miljø, som inneholder av verdifulle kulturminner og kulturarv, inneholder av verdifulle kulturbetingede biotoper (leveområder) med stort økologisk artsmangfold og /eller estetisk høyverdig i forhold til “moderne” ensidige drevne produksjonsflater, bygninger i standardisert byggestil etc.

Kulturlandskap kan også defineres som elementer i landskapet som har betydning for en gruppe mennesker i en bestemt kultur eller sosioøkonomisk sammenheng.

Begrepet brukes om “en måte å se på”, avhengig av individuelle erfaringer og sosialt betingete forventninger. Landskapet utgjør et sett av symboler, som uttrykker menneskets verdigrunnlag, og folks mentale forestillinger om landskapet er sentralt.

bot. Ser. 2001-4: 1-231. (Trondheim) 

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Æthelwold (hermit)

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Saint Æthelwold of Farne (also spelled Aethelwald, Ethilwold, etc.) was a late 7th century hermit who lived on Inner Farne, off the coast of the English county of Northumberland.

Little is known about this man, apart from what is recorded in the writings of the Venerable Bede. Æthelwold was both a priest and a monk from Ripon Abbey. Being desirous of some solitude, he succeeded to the tiny hermitage of Saint Cuthbert on Farne, after the latter’s death in 687. He, however, found it so drafty that he was obliged to make much needed repairs using a calfskin. The most well-known story about Æthelwold, relates how the future Abbot Guthrid visited him on his island with two Lindisfarne monks and, on his journey home, was saved from shipwreck by the saint’s prayers. Æthelwold died on 23 March (which is his feast day) 699 (not 720 as is sometimes stated). He was buried with Cuthbert and, like him, was eventually enshrined in Durham Cathedral. He should not be confused with his near contemporary, Saint Æthelwold of Lindisfarne.

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Bain de sable (laboratoire)

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Un bain de sable est un équipement commun de laboratoire fabriqué à partir d’un récipient rempli de sable chauffé. Il est utilisé pour fournir un chauffage uniforme pour un autre conteneur tel qu’un réacteur (dans lequel se déroule une réaction chimique) ou un erlenmeyer. Le bain de sable permet d’atteindre 400 °C.

Un bain de sable est le plus utilisé en conjonction avec une plaque chauffante ou une ceinture chauffante. Un récipient rempli de sable est placé ou scellé sur la plaque ou entouré par la ceinture. Un réacteur (par exemple) est posé sur un trou creusé dans le bain puis est partiellement recouvert de sable. Ce dernier conduit ensuite la chaleur de la plaque ou de la ceinture à tous les côtés du réacteur.

Un bain de sable permet de chauffer un réacteur avec une agitation minimale, par opposition au chauffage du fond du réacteur par une flamme durant lequel il faut attendre la convection pour chauffer le reste. Ceci réduit à la fois la durée de la réaction et la possibilité de réactions secondaires pouvant survenir à des températures plus élevées.

Son inconvénient est sa lenteur d’utilisation car il est lent à chauffer.

Le bain de sable est l’un des plus anciens équipements de laboratoire connus, utilisés par les alchimistes. En alchimie arabe, un bain de sable était connu sous le nom de « qadr ». En alchimie latine, un bain de sable s’appelait balneum siccum, balneum cineritium ou balneum arenosum.

Des variantes du bain de sable sont par exemple le bain-marie (dans lequel le sable est remplacé par de l’eau) et le bain d’huile.

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Cyprinus

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Vous pouvez partager vos connaissances en l’améliorant (comment ?) selon les recommandations du projet zoologie.

Genre

Cyprinus est un genre de poissons téléostéens de la famille des Cyprinidae et de l’ordre des Cypriniformes.

Hormis Cyprinus carpio, les autres espèces de carpes typiques se rencontrent généralement dans des zones plus restreintes de l’Asie orientale, centrées sur la région du Yunnan. Dans certains cas, ils sont endémiques à un seul lac how do you tenderize steak, notamment le lac Er, ainsi que les lac Dian, Lac Jilu, lac Qilihu, et lac Xingyun, lac ? ; à proprement parler le genre est principalement localisé dans le Yunnan. Une espèce dernièrement nommée, Cyprinus yilongensis, était apparemment endémique ; si oui, elle est probablement aujourd’hui disparu.

Selon FishBase (23 août 2015):

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